From Altreitalie, Issue # 17, 1998 - - The phenomenon known as «ethnic
politics,» while less familiar outside of the United States, is a common
staple of American political practice. This custom is associated with ethnic
groups, that can be described as groups, that while residing within the nation,
are set off from other groups by religion, race, or nationality, or some
combination of the same. Current pre-occupation with multi-culturalism is
an example of its continuity. To aver that ethnicity continues to remain
an important component in American politics is to acknowledge that «ethnic
politics» has surfaced repeatedly during electoral campaigns. On a national
level in the nineteenth century one can cite the efforts of the Democratic
party assiduously cultivating Irish immigrants to support Andrew Jacksons
candidacy for president in the 1820s, or the Republican partys attempts
to convince German Americans to vote for Abraham Lincoln in 1860. Likewise
the twentieth century saw Franklin D. Roosevelts careful construction
of the New Deal coalition that was heavily dependent on attracting ethnic
groups such as Jews, Italians, Irish, and African Americans.
However, it is on the local plane, of state, county, town, city and village
levels that the influence of ethnic politics is more readily manifest. At
these levels ethnic politics finds its strongest expression and leads to
the enshrining of certain elective offices to various ethnic groups. Thus,
in New York one finds congressional districts that are undisguisedly African
American or Puerto Rican, and councilmanic districts that are Asiatic or
Orthodox Jewish.
To a considerable degree Italian American political activity revolves around
the concept of «ethnic politics» , one that has enabled them to
emerge as political forces who must be included in the political enterprise.
From the beginning, Italian Americans began to gain meaningful inclusion
in the political process to the extent that they could demonstrate political
power as a result of organizing themselves into voting blocs that could effect
political outcomes. Fiorello H. LaGuardia is an early twentieth century example
of an Italian American whose political upward mobility rested on a strong
Italian American home base. Generoso Pope, because he was the publisher of
«Il Progresso Italo Americano» , a powerful organ among Italian
Americans during the 1930-50 period, notwithstanding his prior pro-Mussolini
posture, was courted by President Franklin D, Roosevelt, who was desirous
of keeping the Italian American vote in the Democratic party column. By 1950
Italian Americans had come to be so dominant in New York Citys political
scene, that the three main candidates for mayor were all Italian-born: Vincent
Impellitteri, Ferdinand Pecora and Edward Corsi. New York Italian Americans
both within and without New York City continue to be active political performers,
as witnessed by the contemporary careers of Mario Cuomo, Geraldine Ferraro,
Alfonse DAmato and Rudolph Guiliani.
What do the results of the 1997 elections tell us about the present?
Interestingly the results inform us that the majority of nearly 18 million
New York State residents are governed in municipalities and counties headed
by Italian Americans. They are Mayors Rudolph Giuliani, Anthony M. Masiello
and Roy Bernardi, re-elected mayors of New York City, Buffalo, and Syracuse
respectively, and Thomas Gulotta and Andrew Spano as County Executives of
Nassau and Westchester counties. All of this is topped off by the partial
Italian background of George Pataki, current governor New York. This is a
truly remarkable development when one considers that Italian Americans were
virtually absent from the political scene only a few generations ago. Although
Fiorello H. LaGuardia became the first Italian American elected mayor of
a large New York city in 1933, it was in the last two generations that Italian
Americans were elevated to other important New York executive offices: Ralph
Caso elected Nassau County Executive in 1970, Alfonse DAmato elected
United States Senator in 1980, and Mario Cuomo elected governor in 1982.
The occupancy of so many Italian Americans in high political offices is indeed
impressive. It is, however, part of a piece, a development that has seen
a steady emergence of Americans of Italian heritage in New York State government
in recent decades. The presence of Italian Americans in the New York State
Legislature, which includes the New York State Assembly and the New York
Senate, offers further convincing evidence of the ethnic groups political
emergence. The best estimates are that in the 1990s Italian Americans represent
approximately 16% of the population of New York State. Whereas in 1950 only
23 Italian Americans (6%) were members of the New York State Legislature,
by 1974, 40 were Italian Americans(16%). From 1982 on the number of Italian
Americans in the New York State Legislature have far exceeded their percentage
reaching 34% in 1994.
With respect to political party affiliation, for most of this century most
Italian Americans elected to the New York State Legislature were Democrats,
a fact that underscored their proletarian orientation as well as their urban
concentration. However, commencing with the 1960s a decided movement to the
Republican party has taken place. In part attributable to right-wing swing
in politics on the part of an increasing number of ethnic groups in recent
decades, it is also a concomitant of the movement into suburban areas of
New York. It is in the suburbs that the political emergence of Italian Americans
is especially evident.
By 1997 the presence of Italian Americans in New York politics has become
so palpable that it causes observers to remark about a superfluity of Italian
American officeholders. The prodigality of Italian Americans is evident on
local levels, particularly the suburban town of Hempstead, the countrys
largest town, which if it were a city would be comparable to cities like
Baltimore. In contemporary Hempstead concern has been registered that with
four of the seven town board members of Italian heritage, there are too many,
thereby precluding consideration of any other of that nationality for the
position at this time. The Italian political profusion is also manifest on
a statewide basis. Thus, in the aftermath of the November 1997 election which
saw Nassau County Executive Thomas Gulotta win re-election with a huge majority,
the «New York Times» speculated that Gulottas potential elevation
to a statewide elective office was jeopardized by an over-abundance of Italian
Americans in politics. «Ethnic background poses another barrier for
Mr. Gulotta. The presumptive state ticket already has two Italian-Americans,
United States Senator Alfonse M. DAmato and State Attorney General
Dennis C. Vacco.» («New York Times» November 30, 1997)
Gulottas case is ironic in that his father overcame ethnic prejudice
by becoming the first Italian American to win county-wide office as District
Attorney in 1945. «There once was once a time when being Italian meant
that you, couldnt be in politics. Now theyre saying the same
thing to Tom, [Thomas Gulotta] for the different reason that there are too
many already in office.» («New York Times» , November 30,
1997).
The recent experience of Italian Americans in New Yorks political arena
is extraordinary. Whereas shunned and openly discriminated a couple of
generations ago, they are common currency of late. Although of recent evolvement,
another development is discernible, namely the emergence of Italian American
women to political office. Again a look a the demographic makeup of Italian
Americans in the New York State Legislature is helpful. The fact is that
Italian American political representation has been male-dominated. Until
the present generation not only were virtually all Italian Americans elected
to the New York State Assembly and the New York State Senate males, but there
was a near absence of Italian American women even as candidates. As of 1994,
only six female Italian Americans had been elected to the State Legislature,
and of that number five currently hold such offices. While a small number
when compared to some other ethnic groups such as Jews and African Americans,
it nevertheless may mark the beginning of a trend.
While prognostication is understandably subjective and speculative, the
historical record demonstrated that the people of New York State have accepted
Americans of Italian descent as political leaders. The growing approbation
on the part of the body politic to choose members of the ethnic group for
public office stands in sharp contrast with the political realities of a
couple of generations ago. Although it would require further study, there
is an impression that the New York situation has some relevance for some
other states in which Italian Americans make up a substantial part of the
population such as New Jersey, Connecticut and Massachusetts. It is of course
not known whether this trend will persist for any considerable period. What
can be said is that for the present and for the immediate future, Italian
names will be familiar currency among New York officeholders and if New York
has its usual influence elsewhere, the Italian American political phenomenon
may be manifest in other parts of the country as well.
17. Saggi - Salvatore J.
LaGumina
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